Who are the Balestinians?

The Palestinian narrative in the Holy Land has always relied on their perceivable indigenous standing as a people in the land for thousands of years.  To uninformed observers Palestine is the location’s authentic name. After all, the maps confirm this “fact.”  Never mind, the fact that most people until very recently considered the Land of Israel or “Palestine” as belonging to the Jewish people.

Muslim sources strongly indicate the Holy Land as belonging to the Children of Israel.  It goes without saying in Christian thought that the Holy Land is in fact historically Jewish.  Of course each group viewed our 2,000 year old exile as some sort of punishment for not following their respective leader, however the point of ancestral ownership if fully confirmed in each one’s theological outlook.

Israel HaYom ran an article in February of 2014 on the Palestinian fantasy narrative.  The piece stated the following:

In Munich on January 31, Saeb Erekat, the Palestinian Authority’s chief negotiator in U.S.-mediated Israeli-Palestinian talks, reportedly asserted that Palestinian Arabs “cannot accept Israel as the Jewish state because they lived in the region long before the Jews. In the context of the current debate over the Jordan Valley [and Israel’s insistence on retaining its own forces in the area as part of an agreement with the Palestinian Authority], Erekat claimed that his ancestors were the real descendants of the Canaanites and lived in the area for 5,500 years before Joshua bin-Nun, [according to the Torah, Moses’ successor who led the Israelites into the Promised Land]”

My intention is not to spend time delving into the lack of historical support for such an absurd claim, but rather bring this up in context of yesterday’s explosion at the Knesset over the actual veracity of the Palestinian claim of being indigenous.  Anat Berko of Likud said the following:

“As we’ve noted, the letter ‘P’ doesn’t even exist in Arabic, so the borrowed term (Palestine) is worth looking into.” When challenged by Left wing MK’s, Berko continued,  “Those are the facts, I’ll send them to you. It’s fine.”

These are facts.

It is true, they don’t take away anything from the Palestinian narrative, which has plenty of holes in it as it is.  The idea that the Palestinians themselves pronounce their name Balestinian is not a make or break issue for anyone.  If their “national” narrative was rock solid then one can assume the “P” was a foreign introduction. After all they claim the Jews were foreign introductions to the Land of Israel.

Perhaps, Auni Bey Abdul-Hadi, the Palestinian Arab leader in 1937 already understood the truth.  He said, “there is no such country [as Palestine]! ‘Palestine’ is a term the Zionists invented! There is no Palestine in the Bible. Our country was for centuries part of Syria.”

None of this should be misconstrued to disenfranchise people of their individual freedoms here in our land.  All of us should learn to respect individual rights no matter if the individual has a narrative that was concocted out of thin air or changes every few years to suit one’s political needs. What is important however, is it should call into question our need to support such viewpoints when  discussing the future of our ancestral homeland.




The Way to Peace: Israeli Victory, Palestinian Defeat

Israeli-Palestinian diplomacy sadly fits the classic description of insanity: “doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.” The identical assumptions – land-for-peace and the two-state solution, with the burden primarily on Israel – stay permanently in place, no matter how often they fail. Decades of what insiders call “peace processing” has left matters worse than when they started, yet the great powers persist, sending diplomat after diplomat to Jerusalem and Ramallah, ever hoping that the next round of negotiations will lead to the elusive breakthrough.

The time is ripe for a new approach, a basic re-thinking of the problem. It draws on Israel’s successful strategy as carried out through its first 45 years. The failure of Israeli-Palestinian diplomacy since 1993 suggests this alternative approach – with a stress on Israeli toughness in pursuit of victory. This would, paradoxically perhaps, be of benefit to Palestinians and bolster American support.

I. The Near Impossibility of Compromise

Since the Balfour Declaration of 1917, Palestinians and Israelis have pursued static and opposite goals.

In the years before the establishment of the new state, the mufti of Jerusalem, Amin al-Husseini, articulated a policy of rejectionism, or eliminating every vestige of Jewish presence in what is now the territory of Israel.[1]It remains in place. Maps in Arabic which show a “Palestine” replacing Israel symbolize this continued aspiration. Rejectionism runs so deep that it drives not just Palestinian politics but much of Palestinian life. With consistency, energy, and perseverance, Palestinians have pursued rejectionism via three main approaches: demoralizing Zionists through political violence, damaging Israel’s economy through trade boycotts, and weakening Israel’s legitimacy by winning foreign support. Differences between Palestinian factions tend to be tactical: Talk to the Israelis to win concessions from them or not? Mahmoud Abbas represents the former outlook and Khaled Mashal the latter.

On the Israeli side, nearly everyone agrees on the need to win acceptance by Palestinians (and other Arabs and Muslims); differences are again tactical. David Ben-Gurion articulated one approach, that of showing Palestinians what they can gain from Zionism. Vladimir Jabotinsky developed the opposite vision, arguing that Zionists have no choice but to break the Palestinians’ intractable will. Their rival approaches remain the touchstones of Israel’s foreign-policy debate, with Isaac Herzog heir to Ben-Gurion and Binyamin Netanyahu to Jabotinsky.

These two pursuits – rejectionism and acceptance – have remained basically unchanged for a century; today’s Palestinian Authority, Hamas, Labor, and Likud are lineal descendants of Husseini, Ben-Gurion, and Jabotinsky. Varying ideologies, objectives, tactics, strategies, and actors mean that details have varied, even as the fundamentals remained remarkably in place. Wars and treaties came and went, leading to only minor shifts. The many rounds of fighting had surprisingly little impact on ultimate goals, while formal agreements (such as the Oslo Accords of 1993) only increase hostility to Israel’s existence and so were counterproductive.

Palestinian rejection or acceptance of Israel is binary: yes or no, without in-betweens. This renders compromise nearly impossible because resolution requires one side fully to abandon its goal. Either Palestinians give up their century-long rejection of the Jewish state or Zionists give up their 150-year quest for a sovereign homeland. Anything other than these two outcomes is an unstable settlement that merely serves as the premise for a future round of conflict.

The “Peace Process” That Failed

Deterrence, that is, convincing Palestinians and the Arab states to accept Israel’s existence by threatening painful retaliation, underlay Israel’s formidable record of strategic vision and tactical brilliance in the period 1948 to 1993. Over this time, deterrence worked to the extent that Israel’s Arab state enemies saw the country very differently by the end of that period; in 1948, invading Arab armies expected to throttle the Jewish state at birth, but by 1993, Arafat felt compelled to sign an agreement with Israel’s prime minister.

That said, deterrence did not finish the job; as Israelis built a modern, democratic, affluent, and powerful country, the fact that Palestinians, Arabs, Muslims, and (increasingly) the left still rejected it became a source of mounting frustration. Israel’s impatient, on-the-go populace grew weary with the unattractive qualities of deterrence, which by nature is passive, indirect, harsh, slow, boring, humiliating, reactive, and costly. It is also internationally unpopular.

That impatience led to the diplomatic process that culminated with the handshake confirming the signing of the Oslo Accords on the White House lawn in September 1993. For a brief period, “The Handshake” (as it was then capitalized) between Palestinian leader Yasir Arafat and Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin served as the symbol of successful mediation that gave each side what it most wanted: dignity and autonomy for Palestinians, recognition and security for Israelis. Among many accolades, Arafat, Rabin, and Israel’s Foreign Minister Shimon Peres won the Nobel Peace Prize.

The accords, however, quickly disappointed both sides. Indeed, while Israelis and Palestinians agree on little else, they concur with near-unanimity on Oslo having been a disaster.

When Palestinians still lived under direct Israeli control before Oslo, acceptance of Israel had increased over time even as political violence diminished. Residents of the West Bank and Gaza could travel locally without checkpoints and access work sites within Israel. They benefited from the rule of law and an economy that more than quadrupled without depending on foreign aid. Functioning schools and hospitals emerged, as did several universities.

Yasir Arafat promised to turn Gaza into “the Singapore of the Middle East,” but his despotism and aggression against Israel instead turned his fiefdom into a nightmare, resembling Congo more than Singapore. Unwilling to give up on the permanent revolution and to become the ordinary leader of an obscure state, he exploited the Oslo Accords to inflict economic dependence, tyranny, failed institutions, corruption, Islamism, and a death cult on Palestinians.

For Israelis, Oslo led not to the hoped-for end of conflict but inflamed Palestinian ambitions to eliminate the Jewish state. As Palestinian rage spiraled upward, more Israelis were murdered in the five years post-Oslo than in the fifteen years preceding it. Rabble-rousing speech and violent actions soared – and continue unabated 23 years later. Moreover, Palestinian delegitimization efforts cost Israel internationally as the left turned against it, spawning such anti-Zionist novelties as the UN World Conference against Racism in Durban and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanction (BDS) movement.

From Israel’s perspective, seven years of Oslo appeasement, 1993-2000, undid 45 years of successful deterrence; then, six years of unilateral withdrawals, 2000-06, further buried deterrence. The decade since 2006 has witnessed no major changes.

The Oslo exercise showed the futility of Israeli concessions to Palestinians when the latter fail to live up to their obligations. By signaling Israeli weakness, Oslo made a bad situation worse. What is conventionally called the “peace process” would more accurately be dubbed the “war process.”

The False Hope of Finessing Victory

Why did things go so wrong in what seemed so promising an agreement?

Moral responsibility for the collapse of Oslo lies solely with Yasir Arafat, Mahmoud Abbas, and the rest of the Palestinian Authority leadership. They pretended to abandon rejectionism and accept Israel’s existence but, in fact, sought Israel’s elimination in new, more sophisticated ways, replacing force with delegitimization.

This said, the Israelis made a profound mistake, having entered the Oslo process with a false premise. Yitzhak Rabin often summed up this error in the phrase “You don’t make peace with friends. You make it with very unsavory enemies.”[2] In other words, he expected war to be concluded through goodwill, conciliation, mediation, flexibility, restraint, generosity, and compromise, topped off with signatures on official documents. In this spirit, his government and all its successors agreed to a wide array of concessions, even to the point of permitting a Palestinian militia, always hoping the Palestinians would reciprocate by accepting the Jewish state.

They never did. To the contrary, Israeli compromises aggravated Palestinian hostility. Each gesture further radicalized, exhilarated, and mobilized the Palestinian body politic. Israeli efforts to “make peace” were received as signs of demoralization and weakness. “Painful concessions” reduced the Palestinian awe of Israel, m­­ade the Jewish state appear vulnerable, and inspired irredentist dreams of annihilation.

In retrospect, this does not surprise. Contrary to Rabin’s slogan, one does not “make [peace] with very unsavory enemies” but rather with former very unsavory enemies. That is, enemies that have been defeated.

This brings us to the key concept of my approach, which is victory, or imposing one’s will on the enemy, compelling him through loss to give up his war ambitions. Wars end, the historical record shows, not through goodwill but through defeat. He who does not win loses. Wars usually end when failure causes one side to despair, when that side has abandoned its war aims and accepted defeat, and when that defeat has exhausted its will to fight. Conversely, so long as both combatants still hope to achieve their war objectives, fighting either goes on or it potentially will resume.

Thinkers and warriors through the ages concur on the importance of victory as the correct goal of warfare. For example, Aristotle wrote that “victory is the end of generalship” and Dwight D. Eisenhower stated that “In war, there is no substitute for victory.” Technological advancement has not altered this enduring human truth.

Twentieth-century conflicts that ended decisively include World War II, China-India, Algeria-France, North Vietnam-United States, Great Britain-Argentina, Afghanistan-U.S.S.R., and the Cold War. Defeat can result either from a military thrashing or from an accretion of economic and political pressures; it does not require total military loss or economic destruction, much less the annihilation of a population. For example, the only defeat in U.S. history, in South Vietnam in 1975, occurred not because of economic collapse or running out of ammunition or battlefield failure (the American side was winning the ground war) but because Americans lost the will to soldier on.

Indeed, 1945 marks a dividing line. Before then, overwhelming military superiority crushed the enemy’s will to fight; since then, grand battlefield successes have rarely occurred. Battlefield superiority no longer translates as it once did into breaking the enemy’s resolve to fight. In Clausewitz’ terms, morale and will are now the center of gravity, not tanks and ships. Although the French outmanned and out-gunned their foes in Algeria, as did the Americans in Vietnam and the Soviets in Afghanistan, all these powers lost their wars. Conversely, battlefield losses suffered by the Arab states in 1948-82, by North Korea in 1950-53, and by Iraq in 1991 and 2003 did not translate into surrender and defeat.

When a losing side preserves its war goals, the resumption of warfare remains possible, and even likely. Germans retained their goal of ruling Europe after their defeat in World War I and looked to Hitler for another try, prompting the Allies to aim for total victory to ensure against the Germans trying a third time. The Korean War ended in 1953, but North and South have both held on to their war goals, meaning that the conflict might resume at any time, as could wars between India and Pakistan. The Arabs lost each round of warfare with Israel (1948-49, 1956, 1967, 1973, and 1982) but long saw their defeats as merely transient and spoiled for another try.

II. The Hard Work of Winning

How might Israel induce the Palestinians to drop rejectionism?

For starters, a colorful array of (mutually exclusive) plans to end the conflict favorably to Israel have appeared through the decades.[3] Going from softest to toughest, these include:

Trouble is, none of these plans addresses the need to break the Palestinian will to fight. They all manage the conflict without resolving it. They all seek to finesse victory with a gimmick. Just as the Oslo negotiations failed, so too will every other scheme that sidesteps the hard work of winning.

This historical pattern implies that Israel has just one option to win Palestinian acceptance: a return to its old policy of deterrence, punishing Palestinians when they aggress. Deterrence amounts to more than tough tactics, which every Israeli government pursues; it requires systemic policies that encourage Palestinians to accept Israel and discourage rejectionism. It requires a long-term strategy that promotes a change of heart.

Inducing a change of heart is not a pretty or pleasant process but is based on a policy of commensurate and graduated response. If Palestinians transgress moderately, they should pay moderately; and so on. Responses depend on specific circumstances, so the following are but general suggestions as examples for Washington to propose, going from mildest to most severe:

When Palestinian “martyrs” cause material damage, pay for repairs out of the roughly $300 million in tax obligations the government of Israel transfers to the Palestinian Authority (PA) each year. Respond to activities designed to isolate and weaken Israel internationally by limiting access to the West Bank. When a Palestinian attacker is killed, bury the body quietly and anonymously in a potter’s field. When the PA leadership incites to violence, prevent officials from returning to the PA from abroad. Respond to the murder of Israelis by expanding Jewish towns on the West Bank. When official PA guns are turned against Israelis, seize these and prohibit new ones, and if this happens repeatedly, dismantle the PA’s security infrastructure. Should violence continue, reduce and then shut off the water and electricity that Israel supplies. In the case of gunfire, mortar shelling, and rockets, occupy and control the areas from which these originate.

Of course, these steps run exactly counter to the consensus view in Israel today, which seeks above all to keep Palestinians quiescent. But this myopic viewpoint formed under unremitting pressure from the outside world, and the U.S. government especially, to accommodate the PA. The removal of such pressure will undoubtedly encourage Israelis to adopt the more assertive tactics outlined here.

True peacemaking means finding ways to coerce Palestinians to undergo a change of heart, giving up rejectionism, accepting Jews, Zionism, and Israel. When enough Palestinians abandon the dream of eliminating Israel, they will make concessions needed to end the conflict. To end the conflict, Israel must convince 50 percent and more of the Palestinians that they have lost.

The goal here is not Palestinian love of Zion, but closing down the apparatus of war: shuttering suicide factories, removing the demonization of Jews and Israel, recognizing Jewish ties to Jerusalem, and “normalizing” relations with Israelis. Palestinian acceptance of Israel will be achieved when, over a protracted period and with complete consistency, the violence ends, replaced by sharply worded démarches and letters to the editor. Symbolically, the conflict will be over when Jews living in Hebron (in the West Bank) have no more need for security than Palestinians living in Nazareth (in Israel).

To those who hold Palestinians too fanatical to be defeated, I reply: if Germans and Japanese, no less fanatical and far more powerful, could be defeated in World War II and then turned into normal citizens, why not the Palestinians now? Moreover, Muslims have repeatedly given in to infidels through history when faced with a determined superior force, from Spain to the Balkans to Lebanon.

Israel enjoys two pieces of good fortune. First, its effort does not begin at null; polls and other indicators suggest that 20 percent of Palestinians and other Arabs consistently accept the Jewish state. Second, it need deter only the Palestinians, a very weak actor, and not the whole Arab or Muslim population. However feeble in objective terms (economics, military power), Palestinians spearhead the war against Israel; so, when they abandon rejectionism, others (like Moroccans, Iranians, Malaysians, et al.) take their cues from Palestinians and, over time, will likely follow their lead.

Palestinians Benefit from Their Defeat

However much Israelis gain from ending their residual Palestinian problem, they live in a successful modern country that has absorbed the violence and delegitimization imposed on them.[4] Surveys, for example, show Israelis to be among the happiest people anywhere, and the country’s burgeoning birth rate confirms these impressions.

In contrast, Palestinians are mired in misery and constitute the most radicalized population in the world. Opinion surveys consistently show them choosing nihilism. Which other parents celebrate their children becoming suicide bombers? Which other people gives higher priority to harming its neighbor than improving its own lot? Hamas and the Palestinian Authority both run authoritarian regimes that repress their subjects and pursue destructive goals. The economy in the West Bank and Gaza depends, more than anywhere else, on free money from abroad, creating both dependence and resentment. Palestinian mores are backward and becoming more medieval all the time. A skilled and ambitious people is locked into political repression, failed institutions, and a culture celebrating delusion, extremism, and self-destruction.

An Israel victory liberates Palestinians. Defeat compels them to come to terms with their irredentist fantasies and the empty rhetoric of revolution. Defeat also frees them to improve their own lives. Unleashed from a genocidal obsession against Israel, Palestinians can become a normal people and develop its polity, economy, society, and culture. Negotiations could finally begin in earnest. In all, given their far lower starting point, Palestinians would, ironically, gain even more from their defeat than the Israelis from their victory.

That said, this change won’t be easy or quick: Palestinians will have to pass through the bitter crucible of defeat, with all its deprivation, destruction, and despair as they repudiate the filthy legacy of Amin al-Husseini and acknowledge their century-long error. But there is no shortcut.

The Need for American Support

Palestinians deploy a unique global support team consisting of the United Nations and vast numbers of journalists, activists, educators, artists, Islamists, and leftists. No obscure African liberation front they, but the world’s favored revolutionary cause. This makes Israel’s task long, difficult, and dependent on stalwart allies, foremost the U.S. government.

For Washington to be helpful means not dragging the parties back again to more negotiations but robustly supporting Israel’s path to victory. That translates into not just backing episodic Israeli shows of force but a sustained and systematic international effort of working with Israel, select Arab states, and others to convince the Palestinians of the futility of their rejectionism: Israel is there, it’s permanent, and it enjoys wide backing.

That means supporting Israel taking the tough steps outlined above, from burying murderers’ bodies anonymously to shuttering the Palestinian Authority. It means diplomatic support for Israel, such as undoing the “Palestine refugee” farce and rejecting the claim of Jerusalem as the Palestinian capital. It also entails ending benefits to the Palestinians unless they work toward the full and permanent acceptance of Israel: no diplomacy, no recognition as a state, no financial aid, and certainly no weapons, much less militia training.

Israeli-Palestinian diplomacy is premature until Palestinians accept the Jewish state. The central issues of the Oslo Accords (borders, water, armaments, sanctities, Jewish communities in the West Bank, “Palestine refugees”) cannot be usefully discussed so long as one party still rejects the other. But negotiations can re-open and take up anew the Oslo issues upon the joyful moment that Palestinians accept the Jewish state. That prospect, however, lies in the distant future. For now, Israel needs to win.

This text may be reposted or forwarded so long as it is presented as an integral whole with complete information provided about its author, date, place of publication. See the original post here.

Do the “Palestinian” Arabs Have a Mental Health Crisis?

With the news Wednesday morning  that a 13-year-old Arab girl was shot and lightly wounded after she ran at the security guards near a Jewish village, it has become clear that the “Palestinian” Arabs have a serious mental health crisis on their hands. Afterall what brings young people to not only attempt to attack innocent bystanders but do so in a way that is highly ineffective and in most cases gets them killed or wounded.

Yesterday, one Arab youth ran at a group of soldiers with a knife and was shot dead. As far as a location to inflict maximum injury, the army outpost is the last place to attack since the soldiers can see any attacker coming from far enough way to effectively neutralize the enemy.

Just before Shabbat two other incidents occurred with similar endings.  An engaged Arab couple tried ramming a group of people at the entrance to Kiryat Arba, which resulted in his death and her critical injury.  On the same day an Arab attacker tried to run at border police by the old city of Jerusalem and was promptly killed.

Below you can see the aftermath and the location.  The attacker certainly had a death wish.

فيديو من باب العامود الان

Posted by ‎مركز إعلام القدس‎ on Friday, September 16, 2016

When these incidents are threaded together one has to wonder why these young Arabs are doing what they are doing? At first glance they just aren’t too bright in their terrorist methodology and approach.  However, this pattern seems to suggest something else.

The girl today said the following: “I came to die.” This is often the approach of the young women who are trying to avoid honor killings, which often time occur because the girl is found dating someone before marriage or is pregnant.

The couple who attempted to plow over a group of Jews were dating against their parents’ wishes and would have been subject to death in Arab society.

This is not to say that all Arab attackers have a motive that is essentially determined by their societal needs, but when one looks at a vast majority of these ineffective cases they can almost always be traced to a fear of being punished within Arab society for something not connected to the Israeli “occupation.”  This implies that these youth are using the IDF rid themselves of the guilt they have after growing up in Arab society.

This explains the choice of the location of the attack and usually the inability to go through with it to its end.  This can be juxtaposed to the effective terror attacks where the attacker is clearly professionally trained and often times goes after innocent residents directly.

So do the “Palestinian” Arabs have a mental health crisis?  It certainly seems so.

[Video] Palestinian Father Begs IDF Soldiers to Kill His Son

Father Asks IDF to Kill Son

In what must be one of the most disturbing pieces of video footage, a Palestinian father confronts IDF soldiers during a protest and pleads with the soldiers to shoot and kill his little boy.

In the video, the father is heard yelling at the IDF soldiers, “Shoot him, Shoot him. ” He then goes on to command his son, “Go go over there. Don’t be afraid. Go over there. Let them shoot you. Let them kill you.”

This video has gone viral, even in the Arab world. The only difference is that when the Palestinian Authority TV station reported the story, they edited out the part of the video that shows the soldier reaching his hand out to the boy in a friendly gesture and the boy then shaking his hand. Instead, the PA TV outright lied and praised the boy for not shaking the IDF soldier’s hand. The PA is known for its incitement against Israel and Jews and has a history of hiding the facts and outright lying to the public.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu issued a public statement commenting on the video in which a Palestinian father calls on soldiers to shoot his son. “I’ve just watched a video that shook me to the core of my being. In just a few seconds, it shows why our conflict persists,” he said.

If the Palestinian culture does not immediately change its obsession with death, martyrdom and murder, the chances of peace with Israel will become even more unlikely.

Headlines July 11: Facebook Terror Lawsuit, Azaria Crowdfunding, Philistine Cemetery

Facebook charged with aiding terror in billion dollar lawsuit
[Arutz Sheva]


An online crowdfunding campaign to support IDF Sgt. Elor Azaria, who is on trial in the fatal shooting case of a subdued Palestinian attacker, reached NIS 400,000 by Monday morning, some 12 hours after it launched.
[The Jerusalem Post]


A Philistine cemetery has been discovered for the first time in Israel, possibly shedding light on the mystery of the Philistines’ origins. According to biblical accounts, the Philistines were the arch-foes of ancient Israel.
[The Jewish Press]


Israeli security forces succeed in catching Palestinian intelligence agents that were engaging in weapons dealing
[Arutz Sheva]


UNESCO to Question Jewish Ties to Western Wall in Arab-Sponsored Draft Resolution
[The Jewish Press]


Parents of fallen soldier Oron Shaul are expected to physically block the visitation of families of terrorists at Nafcha Prison.
[Arutz Sheva]

Who Has the Moral High Ground?

(Originally published on Arutz Sheva)

As many of you know I have long been promoting an alternative Humanitarian Paradigm, to replace the failed Two-States-for-Two-People (TSS), that has dominated the discourse for decades.  This alternative paradigm involves the funded relocation and rehabilitation of the Palestinian-Arabs living beyond the 1967-Green Line, in third party countries.

Putting aside the question of feasibility for the moment I should like to focus on the relative morality of the two paradigms. (After almost a quarter-century of failed endeavors to implement it, the TSS has proved itself a fatally unfeasible fiasco.   It certainly can claim little advantage in terms of feasibility over an alternative that is based on the eminently plausible proposal that economically hard-pressed individuals will accept a generous financial grant to enhance their economic well-being).

So in answer to the numerous critics, who have excoriated the Humanitarian Alternative, allegedly on “moral” grounds, I suggest reflection on the following question:


Those who promote the establishment of (yet another) homophobic, misogynistic Muslim-majority tyranny, which will comprise the diametric opposite and utter negation of the very values its advocates invoke for its establishment – and whose hallmark would be: gender discrimination, gay persecution, religious intolerance and oppression of political dissidents?


Those who advocate providing non-belligerent Palestinian individuals with the opportunity of building a better life for themselves elsewhere, out of harm’s way,  free from the recurring cycles of death, destruction and destitution that have been brought down on them by the cruel corrupt cliques, who have controlled their lives and led them astray for decades?

Why does promoting the former make one “moderate and liberal”; while advocating the latter, makes one a …“right wing extremist “?

 Moreover, why is it considered morally acceptable to offer financial inducements to Jews in Judea-Samaria to evacuate their homes in order to facilitate  the establishment of said homophobic, misogynistic tyranny, which, almost certainly, will become a bastion for Islamist terror; while it considered morally reprehensible to offer financial inducements to Arabs in Judea-Samaria to evacuate their homes in order to prevent the establishment of such an entity?


I have decided to take a break from writing my weekly column to catch up on some much neglected administrative tasks and to reflect on the possible restructuring of my future pro-Israel activities.  I am coming to the conclusion that my current mode of operations rapidly exhausting its potential and is beginning to yield diminishing returns on effort invested.  Involving very long hours, seven days a week (apologies to my observant readers) virtually all pro-bono, it is certainly becoming very onerous for me both in terms of my economic, and apparently, health situation.

Faced with an unsympathetic and uncooperative Establishment, on the one hand (even the relatively likeminded portions thereof), and heavily funded ideological adversaries, on the other, it is becoming increasingly difficult to effectively drive our message home—no matter how much thought is invested in its argumentation, and effort in its formulation.

Accordingly without the ability to harness greater resources to enhance the impact presently being made, serious doubts must be raised as to the efficacy of continuing in the current format.

I am working on a few ideas in this regard, which I will share with you in the near future and most probably request your involvement/participation.


Further to my recent article on the Israel-Turkey deal:

FORMULA FOR STABILITY: TURKEY PLUS ISRAEL by  Çevik Bir and Martin Sherman (2002)


This is an article advocating strong Turco-Israeli ties that I co-authored with General Çevik Bir, former deputy chief of staff of the Turkish armed forces from 1995 to 1998, who negotiated several landmark Israeli-Turkish military agreements.

Sadly nothing that was relevant then is relevant today.  Apart from its geographical location and size, nothing in Turkey is as it was then.

To underscore the dramatic metamorphosis: It was Bir’s military, who arrested Erdogan in 1998 for “inciting hatred based on religious differences”, while about 14 years later, Bir, arguably the major architect of Israeli-Turkish ties, was arrested by the Erdogan regime for “overthrowing the Turkish government [of Islamist Necmettin Erbakan] by force”

See also NYT lead story on Turkey (July 4, 2016). http://tinyurl.com/jqdchyr

Hardly reassuring!!

We Don’t Need the World’s Permission

(Originally published on Israel Hayom)

“Now there is one less of them,” a Danish Facebook user wrote gleefully after a 13-year-old Jewish girl was stabbed to death in her sleep in her bedroom by a Palestinian man. He thought that the heinous, cowardly murder of an innocent child in her sleep was simply a part of “the resistance” against the Jews.

What kind of human being seeks to justify the cowardly murder of an innocent child in her sleep? Imagine the outcry, if that child had been an Arab and its murderer a Jew. The news would have caused an uproar on the front pages of all the news outlets in the world. Since the girl was Jewish, needless to say, the latter did not happen.

The Israel-Palestine Director at Human Rights Watch, Sari Bashi, could not just do the decent thing and condemn the murder but had to tweet instead that “settlements are illegal, but settlers are NOT legitimate targets.” What sickening times we live in, when a human rights organization cannot bring itself to say more than that the murder of a sleeping Jewish child is not legitimate. Bashi had no response to Mark Halawa, who told her, “I was one of those brainwashed Palestinian children. All Jews are our targets. This settler nonsense you speak of is for idiots!” Contrast that with Bashi’s tweet from June 27, when she emotionally gushed, “Powerful, chilling research by B’Tselem on boy killed, cousins hurt when Israeli soldiers sprayed car with bullets.”

The Palestinian Authority was very quick to honor the terrorist. According to Palestinian Media Watch, Fatah’s official Facebook page immediately posted his picture, declaring him a shahid (martyr) — the highest honor achievable in Islam. WAFA, the Palestinian Authority’s official news agency, honored him as well. The murderer’s family will immediately start receiving a monthly stipend that the PA pays to the families of all “martyrs.”

On Twitter, the EU Embassy in Israel was asked for a response to the fact that the EU funds are used to fund these stipends. Their response was “technical,” as always: “We are not claiming that the payments have stopped. However, FYI, technically, they are no longer paid by the PA but by the PLO.”

In plain English: The EU is fine with supporting terrorism, and knowingly does so, as long as the support is indirect — inasmuch as you can tell the PLO and the PA apart, which you cannot.

The EU Embassy’s response should hardly come as a surprise, after a week in which the EU Parliament gave Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas’ medieval blood libel a standing ovation. President of the European Parliament Martin Schulz, tweeted that the speech was “inspiring address by Pres. Abbas to EPlenary — EU supports aspiration by large majority of Palestinians for peace and reconciliation.”

Let that sink in for a moment: The president of the European Parliament thinks that a speech peddling medieval blood libels is “inspiring.” Furthermore, the “aspirations by large majority of Palestinians for peace and reconciliation” — where did he spot those aspirations? In the constant terrorist attacks? In the polls, which show that a majority of Palestinian Arabs support terror against Israelis? Or in the command of Abbas aide Sultan Abu al-Einein, a Fatah Central Committee official who said that “wherever you see a Jew, slit his throat”? Clearly, Palestinian Arabs pay very close heed to those words and act upon them promptly. But then again the EU never lets facts get in the way of its ideology.

As for the United States, the State Department issued their condolences to the family — no mention of the generous American funding of the PA, which enables all of this — but the White House, predictably, remained silent on the matter, despite the fact that the murdered girl carried American citizenship.

“The entire world needs to condemn this murder just as it condemned the terrorist attacks in Orlando and Brussels,” Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said, “I expect the Palestinian leadership to clearly, unequivocally condemn this vicious murder and take immediate action to stop the incitement. Enlightened nations must join in this demand and pressure the one who heads the incitement that leads to the murder of children in bed.”

Waiting for the world to condemn and pay lip service to Israel’s fight against terrorism is a dead end in every sense of the word. It will never happen. It did not happen on 9/11, when the world was most likely to understand what Israel was facing, and it will not happen 15 years later, when political correctness and a jaded sense that this is just the “new normal” has eroded any hopes that might have once been for genuine world solidarity with Israel. Israel must fight the terror as it sees fit in order to end it finally and prevent the killings of Jewish children in their sleep and pedestrians on their way to the supermarket.

We are a sovereign nation. We do not need the world’s permission to defend ourselves against those who seek our destruction.

Headlines July 3: Gaza Rocket Hits Kindergarten, 58 Muslim Extremists Arrested, Hamas Threatens Glick, Elie Wiesel Dies at 87

Hamas Animated Video Threatens Assassination of MK Glick
[The Jewish Press]


Nobel Prize winner and Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel dies at 87
[The Jerusalem Post]


Jerusalem police have arrested 58 Muslim extremists involved in recent riots and disturbances on the Temple Mount.
[Arutz Sheva]


In 5-hour meeting, National Security Cabinet passes new measures to counter terrorist incitement.
[Arutz Sheva]


Israel welcomes the Quartet’s recognition of the centrality of Palestinian incitement and violence to the perpetuation of the conflict. This culture of hatred poisons minds and destroys lives and stands as the single greatest obstacle to progress towards peace.
[Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs]


A kindergarten building in Sderot is badly damaged in a Gaza rocket attack on the Sabbath.
[The Jewish Press]


In an emotional video released Sunday morning, the children of Rabbi Michael “Miki” Mark, who was murdered by Palestinian gunmen on Friday,  pleaded with the public to attend their father’s funeral.
[The Jerusalem Post]

The Silent Intifada Weekly Report [July 1, 2016]

There were nearly 100 attacks this week that killed 2 Jews and injured 11 more Jews.

This week as almost every week there were dozens of terror attacks of varying severity not reported in most major media outlets. We report on these silenced events to present a fuller picture of the reality in Israel and balance the picture presented to innocent readers abroad. We hope that by reporting these incidents we can raise awareness so that actions can be taken to rectify this problem and improve reality in the Jewish State.

This week (June 24th-July 1st) in the ‘Silent Intifada’ updates on Hakol Hayehudi there were 98 attacks in which 2 Jews were murdered and 11 were injured.

On Thursday June 30th, a 17 year old Arab from Beni Naim penetrated the Harsina neighborhood in Kiryat Arba. There he entered the home of the Ariel family and stabbed their 13 year old daughter, Hallel, to death. Shuki Gilboa and another member of the emergency response team arrived at the home in minutes. The terrorist jumped on Gilboa and the second member of the team fired at the terrorist, but also hit Gilboa with stray fire. Gilboa is currently in the Hadassah Ein Kerem Hospital in stable condition.

On the afternoon of Friday July 1st, Arabs opened fire on a vehicle near Negohot in Har Hevron. The vehicle was struck by the gunshots and early reports indicate that one Jew has been murdered and two others are in critical condition. The story is still being updated as we post this article.

There was also a stabbing on Thursday June 30th in Netanya. An Arab there injured two Jews who were taken for treatment in moderate condition.

On Friday June 24th, two Jews were injured from a vehicular attack by an Arab near Kiryat Arba.

On Tuesday June 28th, a woman praying at the Kotel was injured from rioting and stone throwing by Arabs on the Temple Mount.

In addition Jews were injured from stone throwing near Sinjil and in the South near Bedouin communities.

Silent Intifada full list of attacks:

Friday July 1st

  • Arabs throw stones near Heremiya.
  • Arabs throw an IED at IDF forces in Tulkarem.

15:15- Shooting attack: Arabs open fire at Jews near Negohot in Har Hevron. Early reports state that one Jew was murdered and two others were injured seriously.

2:38- Two Jews are injured from stone throwing near Nili.

Thursday June 30th

  • Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Hizme in Binyamin.
  • Arabs riot in Dahit Al-Barid.
  • Arabs riot in Bir Naballah.
  • Arabs throw stones in Issawiya.
  • Arabs riot in Bethlehem.

20:13- Bedouin throw stones at a bus near Rahat.

20:00- Arabs throw firebombs at police in Issawiya.

19:44- Shooting attack: Arabs shoot at an army post near Tel Aras in the Shomron. One soldier is lightly injured.

19:10- Stabbing: An Arab stabs several Jews in Netanya.

17:55- Arabs throw stones at vehicles on Route 443 near the Dor Alon Gas Station.

11:43- Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Alei Zahav.

8:55- Stabbing: An Arab stabs and murders Hallel Yaffa Ariel HY”D, a 13 year-old girl, in her home in Kiryat Arba. 

8:15- Arabs throw stones at a garbage truck near Baal Hatzor.

7:20- Arabs throw stones at vehicles on the road near Gush Etzion.

Wednesday June 29th

  • A woman is injured from stone throwing near Nabatim in the South, close to many Bedouin villages.
  • Arabs throw firebombs in Ras Al Amud.
  • Arabs throw firebombs in Issawiya.
  • Arabs throw stones in Silwan.
  • Arabs throw stones in Issawiya.
  • Arabs throw a homemade grenade at IDF forces near Rachel’s Tomb.
  • Arabs riot in Silwan in Jerusalem.
  • Arabs riot in Ras Al Amud.
  • Arabs riot in Abu Dis.
  • Arabs riot in Husan.

23:00- Arabs attack a group of leftist activists entering Ramallah for an interfaith event. At least one vehicle is totally burned.

22:56- Arabs riot in Issawiya in Jerusalem.

19:50- Arabs throw firebombs at vehicles near Beitar Illit.

19:42- Arabs throw stones at a bus near Beit Umar in Gush Etzion.

19:29- Arabs throw firebombs at vehicles near Husan in Gush Etzion.

7:55- Arabs throw firebombs at vehicles near Maale Amos in Gush Etzion.

7:50- Arabs throw stones at a bus near Al-Arub in Gush Etzion.

Tuesday June 28th

  • Arabs riot in Dahit Al-Barid.
  • Arabs attack police officers in Ras Al Amud.
  • Arabs throw stones in Umm Tzafa.
  • Arabs throw stones near Sede Tzvi.
  • Arabs throw stones near Nabatim.
  • Arabs throw firebombs at police in Issawiya.
  • Arabs riot in Zevuva.
  • Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Sinjil in Binyamin.

3:33- Arabs riot in Anata and attack IDF forces.

23:08- Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Beit Anun.

21:01- Arabs throw an IED at Border Police in Paron.

15:57- Arabs throw stones at vehicles in Binyamin.

15:46- Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Efrat in Gush Etzion.

15:10- Arabs throw stones at vehicles in Horon.

13:00- Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Al-Hadr in Gush Etzion.

10:34- A driver is injured from stones thrown by Arabs near Sinjil.

7:30- Arabs riot on the Temple Mount and throw stones. A woman praying at the Kotel is injured.

Monday June 27th

  • Arabs throw stones in Sheikh Saad.
  • Arabs throw stones in Dahit Al Barid.
  • Arabs throw stones in Issawiya.
  • Arabs throw stones in Silwan.
  • Arabs throw stones on Route 443 near the Dor Alon Gas Station.
  • Arabs throw firebombs at Border Police near Mount Scopus.
  • Arabs riot on the Temple Mount.

21:48- Arabs throw explosives at soldiers near Rachel’s Tomb.

7:44- Arabs throw stones at vehicles on Route 443.

Sunday June 26th

  • Arabs throw stones in Hizme.
  • Arabs throw stones in Meyer.
  • Arabs throw stones in Husan.
  • Arabs throw firebombs in Issawiya.
  • Arabs throw firebombs near Tekoa.
  • Arabs throw firebombs in Abu Dis.
  • Arabs throw stones on Route 443 near the Makkabim Checkpoint.
  • Arabs throw stones in Al-Hadr.
  • Arabs throw firebombs near Dir Abu Mashal.
  • Arabs throw firebombs at police in Issawiya.
  • Arabs riot on the Temple Mount.
  • Arabs throw stones in Halhul.
  • Arabs throw stones near Beit Anun.
  • Arabs throw stones on Route 443 near the Dor Alon Gas Station.

23:24- Arabs throw firebombs at vehicles near Amos Junction in Gush Etzion.

21:06- Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Al-Hadr in Gush Etzion.

19:58- Arabs throw stones at vehicles on the Avud Bypass Road causing damage to vehicles.

5:53- Arabs set a fire near the town of Karmei Tzur.

1:36- Arabs throw firebombs at vehicles near Ofra.

Shabbat June 25th

  • Arabs throw stones near Beit Anun.
  • Arabs throw stones near Al-Arub.
  • Arabs attack IDF soldiers in Zeita in the Shomron.
  • Arabs throw stones at soldiers near Kadum in the Shomron.
  • Arabs throw firebombs at an IDF post near Negohot in Har Hevron.
  • Firearms parts at found in the vehicle of an Arab near Adam Junction.
  • Arabs attack IDF soldiers in Hizme in Binyamin. 
  • Arabs throw stones at IDF forces in Yatta in Har Hevron.
  • 22:53- Arabs throw firebombs at vehicles near Al-Hadr Junction in Gush Etzion.

22:26- Arabs throw firebombs at vehicles near Hizme in Binyamin.

22:09- Arabs throw stones at vehicles on Route 437.

20:01- Arabs throw an IED at Border Police in Abu Dis.

19:14- Arabs throw stones at vehicles on Route 443 near Modiin causing damage to vehicles.

13:03- Arabs throw stones at police on the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem.

Friday June 24th

  • Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Kiryat Arba.
  • Arabs destroy the Mezuza at the Tomb of the Patriarchs.

19:05- Arabs set fires near the town of Esh Kodesh and throw stones at police.

18:33- Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Beit Umar in Gush Etzion.

18:18- Arabs throw stones at vehicles in Hawara in the Shomron.

14:46- Vehicular attack: Two Jews are injured from a vehicular attack near Kiryat ARba.

12:18- Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Yitzhar Junction in the Shomron.

7:57- Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Ofra in Binyamin.

7:54- Arabs throw stones at Bus Route 160 near Beit Umar in Gush Etzion causing damage to the bus.

Headlines June 30: Girl Murdered In Her Sleep by Terrorist

Terrorist breaks into Kiryat Arba home, stabs teenage girl dozens of times, killing her. Member of local security team also wounded.
[Arutz Sheva]
Leftist Israeli activists were attacked on the way to an Iftar meal in Ramallah, then ejected by the Palestinian Authority police force.
[The Jewish Press]


PM Netanyahu: Israel strongly condemns terrorist attack in Istanbul
[Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs]


Israeli-Arab Arrested for Trying to Join ISIS in Syria
[The Jewish Press]


Iranian President Hassan Rouhani on Wednesday claimed that Israel is behind all the conflicts in the Arab world, and called on all Muslims in the world to take part on Friday in various activities as part of Al-Quds Day, which takes place on the final Friday of Ramadan and is used by Iran to spread anti-Israel propaganda.
[Arutz Sheva]