Matthew Uzukwu’s The Nigerian Civil War

Book review by Osita Ebiem
 
The Nigerian Civil War: The Memoirs of an Unsung Biafran Commando, a book by Matthew Uzukwu is an important book. It is published in 2016 by Feli Publishing Maryland, USA and available at www.amazon.com for $15. The book tells the story of the Biafran War from the perspective of a Biafran soldier, John Ude who fought on many fronts against the unwarranted Nigerian war of aggression against Biafra. It is clear from the book that every Biafran soldier believed in the justness of the fight till the end – an indication that the philosophy of the war was clearly communicated to the people. To all Biafrans and by all honest definitions of the word; the war was genocide. Therefore, the fighters clearly wanted to survive a certain death. Ude and the rest of Biafran soldiers fought to stop genocide. In trying to prevent the death of a people Ude and others like him gave everything they got – their very life.
 
The book is a faith kept by the author who painstakingly took down notes as a high school student from the oral narrations of Ude’s personal recollections of his experiences during the war. The book is well-written and an easy-read with many pages of pictures of the principal participants in the war as well as those of many kwashiorkor victims and war refugees in Biafra. It’s a book of 166 pages that catches the interest of the reader right from start and can be finished within the space of a few lunch breaks. It is a historical narration of how Biafrans successfully used ingenuity to prosecute a war of survival and ran a functional society while going through the greatest of trials. Basic social services such as law courts, electricity, fuel supplies and the post office worked till the very end of the Biafran ordeal. It was because the post office worked in Biafra that John Ude’s life was spared at the tail end of the war when he was wrongly taken for a deserter. The lesson here is that when a society works as it should, it does not only enhance the quality of living in all aspects for the citizens, lives are often saved when it matters the most, even in seemingly unrelated areas.
 
Ude and all the other Biafran soldiers distinguished themselves in the fields of war and successfully prevented an intended total genocide against Igbo people. They made history. And after nearly fifty years, Matthew Uzukwu wrote to preserve the history of their courage and to inspire for all time any group of people who may have to go through a similar unjust Biafran experience. But sometimes there have often been debates about; between the soldier and the historian, who does more service for humanity. This must have informed David Ben-Gurion’s conclusion. In a tone obviously meant to disparage the historian and raise the status and prestige of the soldier above the historian, Ben-Gurion said that “History is not written, history is created.”
 
But there will be no history at all without the historian. If a great tree falls in the forest and no one was there to hear the fall, it would never have made any sound. At the dawn of creation, physicists believe that there was a big bang that exploded to give existence to everything there is in the universe today. The fact is that the explosion which is supposed to be the one sound that spanned the entire universe at the beginning of time did not make any sound at all because there was no sentient being to hear the sound at the time. So, history is created by the soldier but history must be written by the writer for it to even exist. John Ude did his part by fighting to prevent genocide and Matthew Uzukwu has written the story to prevent a future occurrence of genocides against Igbo people. One of the highlights of the night in Washington DC area where the book was presented to the public on June 19, 2016 was the vote of thanks which was delivered by Uzukwu’s teenage daughter Chinwe. She thanked the guests who were gathered to support the father for writing the book. For many of us who were there the vote of thanks was two ways and we could not have been less grateful.
 
My major quarrel with the book is in the title. Unfortunately, most Igbo scholars have fallen into the trap of accepting without any examination the fallacy sold by the British and Nigerians, of thinking of the war as a “civil war.” But the truth is that there was no civil war in Nigeria until the Nigeria versus Boko Haram war which started less than ten years ago. On the contrary, Biafra versus Nigeria war was not a civil war. The standard definition of civil wars is that the war is fought within the physical geographical confines of a state. It is usually fought between or among several contending groups in the country. But this is not the case with the Biafran Nigerian conflict of 1967 to 1970. The war officially began on the 6th of July, 1967. That was the date on which Nigeria first fired the first bullet in the war of aggression which it waged against Biafra.July 6 date is important when proving that the Biafra-Nigeria War was not a civil war. The war was GENOCIDE. The purpose of deliberately distorting the historical facts about the war by the concerned players in the war (the British and Nigerians) is to make less the weight of the crime which they jointly committed against the Igbo.
 
On the 30th of May, 1967 the people of the former Eastern Region of Nigeria exercising their fundamental human right to self-determination and independence unilaterally declared their freedom and independence from Nigeria. The step the people took was the best option that they had at the time and they had every right to do what they did. Prior to this date, for a period of about one year, starting from May 29, 1966, the government of Nigeria and its citizens unremorsefully and without relent carried out a systematic program of pogrom against the Igbo population and the other ethnic peoples of the former Eastern Region. By the time of Biafrans declaration of independence, more than 100,000 Igbo and other southeasterners had been murdered. The independent declaration was an effort that the people embarked on as the last resort. They justifiably pursued their basic human right to self-defense and right to life. By the conclusion of that war, over 3.5 million Biafrans were unjustly murdered by the Nigerian state.
 
The truth about the Biafran War is that Nigeria waged a war of aggression against another sovereign independent state which had been in existence for almost two months. At this point, all responsible governments and leaders would have engaged in using diplomacy and negotiations to prevent any further loss of lives.
 
Fifty years afterward, given all the prevailing events in Nigeria’s political space, just as Biafra was right in 1967, it has remained so up till this writing in 2016. And that is partly some of the things that the reader may not find in the book. The author also failed to address appropriately the cause of the war. There is no doubt that Igbo officers dominated the rank of those who carried out the first coup d’état of January 1966 but he should have explained to the reader more about the reasons for the coup. He should have let the reader know that the coup was an attempt to save Nigeria from the suffocating Islamic bigotry and heavily corrupt political leadership of the central government of the Prime Minister and the Premier of the Northern Region.
 
The writer failed to tell the reader that the coup was also carried out partly to prevent the federal government’s planned “walloping of the Western Region” and to install in power the populist Obafemi Awolowo who was then serving a prison sentence for planning a coup d’état against the government. The author should have let the reader know that Ifeajuna/Nzeogwu coup d’état of January, 1966 was carried out to prevent the federal government of Nigeria’s declared intention to “wallop” or wipe out the Yoruba people of Western Region. If the author had done that he would have in that same vein established that John Ude and all Biafrans fought Biafra War to prevent the federal government of Nigeria’s declared intention and systematic program of wanting to exterminate the Igbo whom they considered to be the source of all the problems of Nigeria.

Nigeria as a Genocidal State

In spite of all apparent reality to the contrary, and for reasons just as varied as the people, there may be a few individuals and interest groups who still wish for the survival of the Nigerian state as it is presently constituted. Such well-wishers naturally are interested in seeing the country move forward in the positive direction. For some obvious reasons this much desired forward march has remained an impossible goal for about the entire span of the country’s history. Perhaps one of the most important first steps that is needed by the country to go forward in the desired direction is to find a way to unify the many divergent national, religious, ethnical and other aspiring groups which are the various strands that form the national fabric of the Nigerian country.
 
Involuntarily, the Igbo ethnical, national, religious and linguistic group is one of those major strands which were forced by colonial fiat to be parts of the national, etc. groups that constitute today’s Nigerian state. Within six years of Nigeria’s existence as a colonially united country crisis broke out in the new country and collectively the other groups as described above chose to attempt to exterminate the Igbo, claiming that the Igbo were responsible for the country’s many problems. Therefore, from 1966 to 1970 the new country – the government and its citizens pursued vigorously a national genocidal program of trying to totally wipe out Igbo people from the Earth as solution to Nigerian problems. At the end of the ordeal, though forced and patched up to rejoin the now badly frayed Nigerian union fabric, the Igbo emerged from this systematic crucible of hatred, shedding forever their Nigerian citizenship.  

Throughout history and in all regions of the world where there has been genuine and honest response to the crime of genocide, separation has always been the only sensible response. 

So, the best way to understand the Nigerian country and Igbo’s place in it is to look at it from this point of view: Nigeria as a genocidal state and its Igbo population as the victim of the crime. Genocide is the word to have in mind while responding to the question of whether the Igbo should continue to maintain their stake as partners in the colonial union known as Nigeria. Throughout history and in all regions of the world where there has been genuine and honest response to the crime of genocide, separation has always been the only sensible response. At the end of the crime, the victims are usually removed far away from the perpetrators. Separation is the only solution that permanently prevents future occurrences of the atrocities of genocide in any society (such as in Nigeria) where it has taken place.
 
While the international community is saying “Never Again” at the end of any genocide, it goes without saying that the only reliable guarantee that is capable of safeguarding such a promise is the shield and assurances that sovereign independent international boundaries provide for a persecuted people like the Igbo. The smart approach, as they say in Igbo, is that while anyone tries as much as possible to keep fires away from combustible gunpowder, they should also make as much effort in keeping the gunpowder away from fires.
 
Here following, let’s mention a few of these genocide victims (like the Igbo) who of necessity had to be separated from the perpetrators of their ordeal in order to ensure that the victims do not suffer the same fate in the future within the same place and from the same people. In Igbo tradition there are two traditional sayings which support this call for separation; 1. Igbo people believe that the cripple is not expected to die in a previously announced warfare. Due to their handicap, he or she is not expected to wait till the last minute to move away to a safer place. 2. The Igbo also believe that it is only a tree which is known to stay put and does not make efforts to escape the blows from the ax of the feller after it had been told the previous day that it would be cut down.
 
About two weeks ago, in the midst of threats from the Turkish government which perpetrated the crime, German legislators officially recognized the Armenian Genocide as such. Soon after the Turkish Ottoman Empire committed the genocide of the Armenians in 1915 with the massacre of 1.5 million Armenians, the Armenian people separated themselves from Turkey into an independent country of Armenia with administrative capital in Yerevan. After German Nazis committed the genocide of the Jews in Germany and the rest of Europe in which 6 million Jews were massacred, the victims had to separate themselves far away from the perpetrators. This Jewish Genocide is better known today as the Holocaust. The genocide ended in 1945 and the Jews established an independent state of Israel in the Middle East in 1948. It should also be remembered that it is the accusation of genocides that led to the breaking up of the united country of Yugoslavia into several different sovereign independent countries. The genocide of the East Pakistanis by the government of the West Pakistan led to the separation of the East from the West, where the East became an independent sovereign state of Bangladesh. The list goes on.
 
The genocide such as the one that took place in Nigeria against the Igbo is an institutional genocide. Most genocides are institutional crimes, anyway. In most cases it is only states that have the capacity to muster such elaborate machineries usually required to carry out such great massacres. The government as well as the other peoples of Nigeria committed the genocide of Biafrans between 1966 and 1970 in which 3.5 million Biafrans were killed. Igbo people alone made up 3.1 of the 3.5 million who died in that genocide.
 
The root cause of the Igbo Genocide in Nigeria is hatred. Therefore, the hatred that produced the act is institutional and not merely individuals hating their Igbo neighbors and friends. The Nigerian state as an institution is the primary source of the prevailing Nigerians’ hatred of the Igbo. Because its source resides in the institution of the federal republic of Nigeria, it will be near impossible to uproot this hatred from the Nigerian society. It will be near impossible to create a lasting atmosphere in the Nigerian society where the Igbo will be eventually accepted and allowed to exist side by side with the other Nigerians in the spirit of true brotherhood.
 
Institutions run as continuums therefore the established government policies, customs, norm and culture such as the society-wide hatred of the Igbo in Nigeria, run from one generation to the next. Agreements, armistices and promises such as “Never Again,” “No victors and no vanquished” and other similar lofty pledges, when they are genuinely made, can only hold for a short while in genocidal societies like Nigeria. Eventually there will always emerge the biblical Pharaoh who did not know Joseph and who sees no reason in honoring any pacts made by their predecessors. Once such Pharaohs arrive in power, the vicious cycle resumes and genocide repeats itself. Therefore, the only real solution that will permanently prevent any more future genocides of the Igbo in Nigeria is for the Igbo to embark on a Moses’ kind of exodus from the Nigerian Egypt into their own ancestral homeland in Igbo territory.

Defeating Foggy Bottom in Israel

History will mark Israel’s election last year as a watershed moment.  Whether the country fully identifies and supports Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu really doesn’t matter. As Minister Zeev Elkin said yesterday, “Likud’s victory saved Israel.”

The State Department dispatched countless operatives to insidiously inject themselves into last year’s election campaign on behalf of the Zionist Union, in an operation that can only be described as meddling and string pulling. The Israeli electorate rebuffed these actions by handing Likud an enormous victory.

With the revelation of a secret deal between Herzog and Abbas now publicized, the V15 and Foggy Bottom’s strategy becomes even more gross.  Essentially, the State Department under directives from the Obama administration sought to unseat and defeat Prime Minister Netanyahu. By doing so their aim was to place a puppet government in charge of Israel in order to sign a final status agreement with the Arab Palestinians.  This agreement would have divided Jerusalem and created a sovereign terror entity in most of Judea and Samaria.

“In my contacts with the Palestinian Authority chief during 2014 I made efforts with the goal of reaching an understanding that would have prevented the wave of terror which I saw coming,” Herzog responded to the report.

The idea that any agreement, especially one that is a product of Western covert force would have prevented the current wave of terror is ludicrous. The Palestinian Authority has no ability to stop the terror as it is.  Placing Abbas and his Western supported mafia in charge of even more land would have spelled complete destruction for the State of Israel.

By voting for Likud last year the Israeli populace was sending a message to the American government. “Stay Out!” It is true, billions of dollars in US aid flows into Israel annually and although many in Israel rightly claim, we no longer need it, the fact is even when we take the money the US gets a tremendous return on it.  Unlike other countries that actually survive solely because they are being propped up by American aid, Israel provides the American military with forward intelligence and details from multiple fronts in the Middle East it cannot collect on its own. This intelligence sharing comes at a price and that is military aid.

This aid has gotten to Foggy Bottom’s brain and instead of respecting the relationship, they have repeatedly abused it.  The Israeli voter used last year to move on and proved ready to redraw the relationship if needed.  Last year was not an expression of love for Bibi, but a rejection of American neo-colonial influence, along with those politicians in Israel willing to play the puppet to a foreign puppeteer.

The Silent Intifada Weekly Report [June 17, 2016]

There were over 80 attacks which caused 7 injuries this week.

This week as almost every week there were dozens of terror attacks of varying severity not reported in most major media outlets. We report on these silenced events to present a fuller picture of the reality in Israel and balance the picture presented to innocent readers abroad. We hope that by reporting these incidents we can raise awareness so that actions can be taken to rectify this problem and improve reality in the Jewish State.

This week (June 10th- June 16th) there were 85 attacks in the ‘Silent Intifada’ updates on Hakol Hayehudi. These included two attempted attacks (one attempted stabbing and one attempted vehicular attack), and many incidents of throwing of stones and firebombs at vehicles, homes, and individuals.

On Friday June 10th, an Arab attempted to stab soldiers at the Beit Furiq junction near Itamar. On Saturday night June 11th, an Arab attempted to run over soldiers with his vehicle in the village of Avud in Binyamin.

In total seven Jews were injured this week, all as a result of stone throwing by Arabs on the roads. On Sunday June 12th, A driver was injured from stone thrown by Arabs near Kiryat Arba. That same night, three Jews were injured from stones thrown by Arabs near the Shechem Gate of the Old City of Jerusalem. The three were treated at Hadassah Mount Scopus Hospital.

Jews were injured three times from stones thrown by Arabs in the village of Hawara: on Monday June 13th, on Tuesday June 14th, and on Thursday June 16th. There were also seven additional incidents of stone throwing by Arabs in Hawara, most of which caused damage to vehicles.

Full list of attacks:

Thursday June 16th

  • Arabs throw four firebombs at Jewish homes in Armon Hanatziv in Jerusalem.
  • Arabs riot in Nazlat.

21:16- A Jewish driver is injured from stones thrown by Arabs in Hawara.

20:36- Arabs throw firebombs at the entrance to Migdal Oz in Gush Etzion.

12:35- Arabs throw stones at a bus near Shaar Shechem in Jerusalem.

7:00- Arabs throw firebombs at vehicles near Maale Adumim.

Wednesday June 15th

  • Arabs riot in A-Tur in Jerusalem.
  • Arabs riot in Qalqilya.

19:59- Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Michmas.

17:20- Arabs throw stones at a bus near Al-Fawr in Har Hevron.

9:50- Arabs throw stones at a bus on Route 443 near the Dor Alon Gas Station.

7:56- Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Hawara in the Shomron.

7:53- Arabs throw firebombs at a bus near Tekoa in Gush Etzion.

Tuesday June 14th

  • Arabs attack IDF forces in Hisba.
  • Arabs riot in Jabal Muchbar in Jerusalem.
  • Arabs riot in A-Tur in Jerusalem.
  • Arabs riot in Silwan.
  • Arabs riot in Tura Al-Jarbiya.
  • Arabs riot in Qalqilya.
  • Arabs attack IDF forces in Iskar.
  • Arabs riot in Bir Zeit.
  • Arabs throw stones in Husan.
  • Arabs throw stones on the Hotze Shomron Road.
  • Arabs throw stones in Hawara.
  • Arabs throw stones in Zevuva.
  • Arabs throw stones in Silwan.
  • Arabs throw stones in Malach.
  • Arabs throw stones in Yavad.
  • Arabs throw stones at vehicles in Husan in Gush Etzion.

22:47- Arabs throw firebombs in Shuafat, several fires break out as a result.

22:22- Arabs throw stones at a bus in Hawara in the Shomron.

22:08- Arabs throw stones at vehicles near Anata causing damage.

21:20- A Jew is injured from stones thrown by Arabs in Hawara.

17:28- Arabs set several fires near Modiin Illit.

16:27- Arabs throw stones at several vehicles near Hawara in the Shomron causing damage.

9:44- Arabs throw stones at vehicles between Hermesh and Mevo Dotan in the northern Shomron.

Monday June 13th

  • Arabs throw stones in Dir Abu Mashal.
  • Arabs throw stones in Beit Furiq.
  • Arabs throw stones in Hizme.
  • Arabs throw stones in Silwan.
  • Arabs throw stones in Hawara.
  • Arabs throw stones near Efrat.
  • Arabs throw firebombs at IDF forces in Malach.
  • Arabs throw firebombs at the fence of the Baal Hatzor Army Base.

20:24- A Jew is injured from stones thrown by Arabs in Hawara. Damage is also caused to the vehicle.

16:17- Arabs riot near the Bitunia Crossing.

13:00- Arabs throw stones at vehicles in Ras Al Amud.

00:20- Three Jews are injured after Arabs throw stones at the bus they were riding on towards the Kotel. The three are taken for treatment at the Hadassah Mount Scopus Hospital.

Sunday June 12th – Shavuot

  • Arabs throw stones in Al-Hadr.
  • Arabs throw stones in Hizme.
  • Arabs throw stones in Dahit Al-Barid.
  • Arabs throw stones in Tekoa.
  • Arabs throw stones in Jabal Mualach.
  • Arabs throw firebombs in Armon Hanatziv.
  • Arabs throw stones in the Gal neighborhood of Hevron.
  • Arabs throw firebombs in Shuafat.
  • Arabs throw firebombs in Issawiya.

23:28- Arabs throw stones at a bus and at IDF soldiers in Ofra.

23:20- Arabs riot at the Zif Junction in Har Hevron.

21:59- A Jewish woman is injured after Arabs throw stones at her vehicle near Kiryat Arba.

21:44- Arabs throw stones at the Elias Junction near Hevron.

19:27- Arabs throw stones at an IDF vehicle near Al-Fawr in Har Hevron.

00:15- Attempted vehicular attack: An Arab attempts to ram into IDF soldiers near Avud in Binyamin. Thankfully none are injured.

Shabbat June 11th

  • Arabs throw stones in Kadum.
  • Arabs throw stones near Rachel’s Tomb.
  • Arabs throw stones in Hizme.

18:52- Arabs throw stones at a soldier near Carmel in Har Hevron.

Friday June 10th

  • Arabs throw stones near Herodian.
  • Arabs throw stones near Yatta.
  • Arabs throw stones in Beit Amra.
  • Arabs throw stones in Sheikh Saad.
  • Arabs throw stones in Maale Zeitim in Jerusalme.
  • Arabs throw stones in Silwan.
  • Arabs throw firebombs in Burdus.
  • Arabs throw firebombs near Rachel’s Tomb.
  • Arabs throw stones in Baal-Muntar.
  • Arabs throw stones in Avud.
  • Arabs throw stones in Silwad.
  • Arabs throw stones in Sayid.
  • Arabs throw stones in Al-Fawr.
  • Arabs throw stones in Al-Ram.

17:10- Attempted stabbing: An Arab attempts to stab soldiers near Itamar.